Margery Kempe:

In Search of the Scribe

 

John Capgrave

 

By Bryan VanGinhoven

 

see also Religious Orders in Lynn

 


 

 

Capgrave is a strong contender for the identity of the scribe of The Book of Margery Kempe – he is a well-known Middle English author familiar with the sources Margery uses, he is active in Lynn at the same time Margery was writing, and his Life of Saint Katherine shows a high degree of narrative similarity with events in Margery’s Book.  Anthony Goodman (1978) has previously connected Margery with Capgrave’s work, especially the Life of Saint Katherine; Karen Winstead has also written on the connections between the two.  Identifying Capgrave as Margery’s scribe is of course not unproblematic, but even if Capgrave cannot be conclusively shown to have had any direct contact with Margery, his works and the social/intellectual contexts he provides still give valuable evidence in identifying the circumstances that Margery, a devotionally-inclined, wealthy middle-class wife and widow, would have faced in attempting to have her book written.

 

Capgrave as Margery’s Scribe?

 

The positive evidence, though all circumstantial, provides a compelling case for considering Capgrave as the scribe behind the Book of Margery Kempe.  This evidence is as follows (see Fredeman, Winstead, and Smetana for Capgrave bibliographical information; see Meech and Allen for bibliographical information on Margery):

  • Capgrave is known to have been an active writer stationed in Lynn by 1437 (Margery’s book was written between 1436-1438). 
  • His Life of Saint Katherine shares many narrative similarities with the Book of Margery Kempe, including plot events such as the mystical marriage, and recurring motifs such as the “evil written” exemplar and disputations with religious officials.  The mystical marriage presented in the Life of Saint Katherine is particularly intriguing, as it shares with Margery’s experience the use of a large amount of contemporary marital language and practical ritual elements: God and his bride say wedding vows, clasp hands, and have witnesses, much as other late-medieval English marrying couples would have done.  Catherine of Siena, on the other hand, experiences a much more mystical union, involving an actual exchange of hearts between her and God.  The wide variety of experiences that a mystical marriage could entail for medieval catholic visionaries seems to underscore a type of influence between Margery’s writing and the Life of Saint Katherine.
  • Capgrave also states, in the introduction to his Life of Saint Augustine, that he wrote it at the request of “a gentle woman” who wanted a vernacular vita of Augustine (a saint that Margery includes in her prayers in the end of her Book, though not earlier; see below) because she had been born during his feast.  Although candidates other than Margery have been brought forward for this “gentle woman,” it nevertheless shows that upper-class women could rather easily employ a literate religious, especially an Augustinian, for the purposes of composing, and, one would suspect, writing down copies of works (see also Religious Orders, under Augustinians).
  • The priest-scribe of the Book of Margery Kempe, when referring to himself in the text, often identifies himself as “the priest which afterwards wrote this book,” a phrase echoed very closely in places in Capgrave’s writing, such as the entry for the year 1393 in his Chronicle of England: “in this year…was that friar born which made these annotations” (EETS Katherine, intro).
  • Margery herself seems to have had a good relationship with the Augustinians in Lynn, although she does not mention them until late in the Book.  The Augustinian Friar in chapter sixty-eight marks the order’s first appearance, and he is acting as one of Margery’s public defenders against her Franciscan detractor.
  • In her prayers at the end of her Book, Margery includes several of her “personal” saints as well as others for whom she has not shown a previous interest.  One of these newer saints is “Seynt Awstyn,” listed alongside “Mary Mawdelyn…Mary Egipcyan…[and] Seynt Powle” as the saints for which Margery especially thanks God.  “Seynt Awstyn” could be ambiguous in referring to either Augustine of Canterbury or Augustine of Hippo, but Margery’s own pantheon of saints, here and elsewhere, consists largely of penitent saints, of which Augustine of Hippo is a prime example as portrayed in his Confessiones.  The Augustinians of Lynn could have served as a convenient source of information for Margery about this saint.

 

Problems with Capgrave as Margery’s Scribe

 

There are two main problems with identifying Capgrave as Margery’s scribe.  The first is that, despite the similarity noted above between the Margery’s scribe’s and Capgrave’s self-identifications, Capgrave calls himself a friar whereas Margery’s scribe calls himself a priest.  The terms were certainly not synonymous; however, a possible explanation for this discrepancy lies in the opening to the preface of Capgrave’s Abbreviation of Chronicles, where he says that he, a “pore frere…sendith prayer, obediens, subjeccion, and all that euir be ony deute a prest schuld offir onto his kyng” (ed. Lucas, p. 7; emphasis added).  Thus, in some way, the offices of priest and friar were equivalent for Capgrave, who was himself both a priest and a friar (Capgrave’s priesthood was actually his more recent office – conventional dates place his admission to the Augustinian order in 1410 while his ordination occurred in 1417). 

 

A second and perhaps more difficult issue is that the priest-scribe of the Book of Margery Kempe places himself in Lynn c. 1420, when Margery was preached against and abandoned by many of her supporters; this occurs in chapter sixty-two of Margery’s Book.  At that time, Capgrave was probably engaged in his university studies in London.  But owing to the political and administrative networking that he surely participated in as an Augustinian, it is possible that Capgrave would have made brief sojourns back to Lynn for official business.  It would be difficult to date the scribe-priest’s abandonment of Margery earlier than 1420; Hope Emily Allen, in her note to chapter sixty-one, dates the arrival of Margery’s Franciscan rival after the death of Richard Caister, Vicar of St. Stephen’s, whose grave Margery weeps at in chapter sixty; chapter sixty-one then begins, “Than cam þer a frer to Lenne…” (emphasis added), implying chronological continuity.  Despite the paucity of information currently available on Capgrave’s locations during his university activities, finding a way to locate him in Lynn at the time of Margery’s denunciation by the Franciscan preacher would have to be a prime task of those wishing to identify Capgrave as Margery’s scribe.

 

Despite these problems, even if Capgrave cannot be certainly identified as Margery’s scribe, his presence in Lynn and his work as an author provide a valuable context for Margery’s employment of a priest to write down her Book.  Capgrave shows that the practice of patronage of religious figures was not necessarily unusual, either for the friars or for the women employing them.  Margery’s late association with an Augustinian, either Capgrave or another individual, would explain her inclusion of St. Augustine (likely of Hippo) only at the end of her book as a personal saint.  She does not, it must be pointed out, include Saints Dominic or Francis in that category, nor the prophet Elijah, an adopted founder and “patron saint” of sorts for the Carmelites.  After all, Capgrave and Margery surely must have been aware of each other – they were both active at the same time, and both were very public figures associated with religious practice in a town with a population that did not exceed 5,000 people.

 

For more information on Margery’s possible associations with the Augustinians, see the Religious Orders in Lynn page on this site.

 

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Bibliography

 

Editions of works by Capgrave and Margery

 

Horstmann, Carl, ed. The Life of St. Katherine of Alexandria. EETS no. 100. London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trübner & Co., 1893.

 

Lucas, Peter J., ed. John Capgrave’s Abbreuiacioin of Cronicles. EETS no. 285. Oxford University Press, 1983.

 

Meech, Sanford Brown, and Allen, Hope Emily, eds. The Book of Margery Kempe. EETS no. 212. Oxford University Press, 1940.

 

Smetana, Cyril Lawrence, ed. Life of Saint Augustine. Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Medieval Studies, 2001.

 

Winstead, Karen A., ed. The Life of Saint Katherine. Kalamazoo: Medieval Institute Publications, 1999.

 

Secondary materials

 

Beadle, Richard. “Prolegomena to a Literary Geography of Later Medieval Norfolk.” Regionalism in Late Medieval Manuscripts and Texts: Essays Celebrating the Publication of “A Linguistic Atlas of Late Mediaeval English.” Ed. Felicity Riddy. Cambridge: D. S. Brewer, 1991. 89-108.

 

Colledge, Edmund. “John Capgrave's Literary Vocation.” Analecta Augustiniana 40 (1977): 187-95.

 

De Meijer, Alberic. “John Capgrave, O.E.S.A.” Augustiniana 5 (1955): 400-40 and Augustiniana 7 (1957): 118-48, 531-75.

 

Fredeman, Jane. “The Life of John Capgrave, O.E.S.A. (1393-1464).” Augustiniana 29 (1979): 197-237.

 

Goodman, Anthony. Margery Kempe and Her World. London: Longman, 2002.

 

---. “The Piety of John Brunham’s Daughter, of Lynn.” Medieval Women. Ed. Derek Baker. Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1978. 347-58.

 

Lucas, Peter J. “John Capgrave, O.S.A. (1393-1464), Scribe and ‘Publisher.’” Transactions of the Cambridge Bibliographical Society 5 (1969): 1-35.

 

---. “John Capgrave, Friar of Lynn.” The Historian 44 (1994): 23-24.

 

---. From Author to Audience: John Capgrave and Medieval Publication. Dublin: University College Dublin Press, 1997.

 

Seymour, M. C. “The Manuscripts of John Capgrave’s English Works.” Scriptorium 40 (1986): 248-55.

 

Winstead, Karen. John Capgrave and Margery Kempe. Mapping Margery Kempe.