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This page will be automatically redirected in 5 seconds. If automatic redirection does not work, click here.Social Transformations and Regional Scales of Social Identity in the Cibola World (A.D. 1100-1325)Matthew PeeplesOn-going
PhD dissertation research |
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| This
research is concerned with the interrelationships between major social
transformations and collective social identities at regional scales.
I develop methods for operationalizing contemporary social theory and
apply them to archaeological data from the Cibola/Zuni region of the
North American Southwest (ca. AD 1100-1325), in order to better understand
how changes in the mechanisms of collective social identification influence
the trajectories of large-scale social transformations. The period considered
here was marked by a well documented shift from relatively dispersed
hamlets, to clustered villages, and eventually, to large nucleated towns
(Huntley and Kintigh 2004; Kintigh 1985a, 1996; Kintigh et al. 2004).
The creation of larger settlements both concentrated populations in
smaller portions of the region and created vast empty expanses (Peeples
and Schachner 2008; Wilcox et al. 2007), providing an ideal context
for the exploration of social transformation at a regional scale. I
use insights based on contemporary social theory of social movements
to investigate a key question: What is the relationship between changes
in collective social identities and major social transformations—specifically
nucleation and population movement—observed in the archaeological
record? The Cibola region, centered on the contemporary Pueblo of Zuni (Figure 1), has long been of interest to archaeologists and ethnographers interested in issues of cultural identity (e.g., Fewkes 1891; Green 1990; Spier 1917, 1918). The Zuni language is a linguistic isolate, which suggests a long period of separation from other language groups throughout the greater Southwest (Hill 2007). The region is located between two traditionally defined archaeological cultures; the Anasazi or Ancestral Puebloan to the north and the Mogollon to the south (Danson 1957; Lekson 1996). Archaeologists have long recognized that some Cibola sites contain a combination of material attributes that are typically associated with populations in both areas (Danson 1957; Martin et al. 1956). In particular, archaeologists have suggested that the simultaneous presence of Anasazi gray ware pottery and Mogollon brown ware pottery at some settlements indicates the presence of multiple social groups (see Clark et al. 2006; Danson 1957). A great deal of survey and excavation was carried out in the mid-twentieth century focused, in part, on better understanding this variation (e.g., Danson 1957; Martin 1961; Martin et al. 1952, 1956, 1957, 1962; Martin and Rinaldo 1950; McGimsey 1980). My research will build upon this history of work in the region and the collections that it produced by applying new theoretical tools and methods. |
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Figure 1. Cibola region study area. The Cibola region encompasses a large portion of the U.S. Southwest centered on the contemporary Pueblo of Zuni. The map to the left shows major and excavated sites (ca. A.D. 1100-1325) across the region. The shaded regions represent complementary areas that are only included in this project using previously published data. (click image to see full size). |
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Collective Identities: Relations and Categories |
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| My
theoretical perspective builds on the work of political scientists and
sociologists studying the development of political interest groups,
social movements, and collective social identities at large scales (both
demographically and geographically [e.g., Brubaker and Cooper 2000;
Calhoun 1995, 1997; Somers 1994; Stokke and Tjomsland 1996; Tilly 1978,
2001, 2004, 2005; White 1992, 2008]). Researchers working from this
perspective suggest that the process of social identification takes
place in two primary modes; relational and categorical. Relational identification
refers to a process in which individuals identify with groups, often
informally, based on networks of interactions or relationships, such
as exchange or kin ties. In contrast, in categorical identification
individuals identify with more formal units such as political groups,
religious organizations, or states, based on perceived similarities
with others in these groups. Categorical identities, unlike their relational
counterparts, can be defined external to direct interaction and can
include far greater numbers of individuals (Calhoun 1994:26). Proponents of the relational/categorical approach have argued that these modes of social identification have been conflated in many studies (see Somers 1994; Tilly 2001), but that an understanding of both, and the interplay between them, is essential to building an understanding of major social transformations (Somers and Gibson 1995:64-69; Stokke and Tjomsland 1996:27-31; Tilly 2001). In some cases, massive social movements and transformations originate among groups sharing strong relational connections, but in a process referred to as “scale shift,” such transformations must become linked to categorical identities in order to expand beyond local contexts (McAdam 2003:294). For example, during the civil rights movement in the United States, protests among local communities, connected by relational networks of interaction (mostly among churches), became increasingly subsumed under the categorical notion of “civil rights activists” that included far greater numbers of individuals than could interact directly (McAdam 1999). Drawing inspiration from this theoretical perspective, I will develop methods to track changes in these modes of identification to determine if the transformations occurring in the Cibola region are characterized by such a scale shift. Existing models of regional social transformations in the Southwest can be profitably considered in terms of categorical and relational explanations for social change. For example, the two main explanations for the similarities in the patterns of aggregation and population movement seen across the Western Pueblo region in the Pueblo IV period are based on either alliance or cult models (Duff 2000:82-84). Alliance models have been used to define a number of sociopolitical entities, represented by closely spaced clusters of nucleated settlements. The social connections within and between these clusters are thought to have been forged through the direct economic interactions resulting from exchange (Plog 1983; Upham 1982). Thus, the alliance model suggests that relational connections among the inhabitants of these settlements are responsible for the similarities in the changes seen across the Southwest. Cult models (Adams 1991; Crown 1994; see also Plog and Solometo 1997), in contrast, treat the similarities in developments across the Southwest at this time as the result of shared participation in widespread cults. The cult model suggests that the Pueblo Katsina Cult and similar entities had their origins at this time as a means for integrating populations across large areas. Cult models conceptualize categorical connections among individuals (shared membership in a religious organization) as explanations for the coordinated changes occurring across the region. In past research, these two perspectives have been viewed as somewhat contradictory. My work will instead use them as complementary, descriptive of different parts of the overall process. I will build on these previous explanations for widespread transformations by tracking both relational and categorical identities. As the work of social movement theorists suggests, it is the interrelationships between these modes of identification that form the basis of major social changes. |
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Analytical Methods |
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| In order to explore the relationships among the relational and categorical modes of social identification and the rapid organizational transformations in the Cibola region through time, I will concentrate on three major classes of evidence: (1) settlement and community organization, (2) relational connections in the form of direct interaction, and (3) categorical connections in the form of the active expressions of group membership. | ||||
| (1) Characterizations
of settlement and changes in the sizes and compositions of communities
through time form a necessary background for studying social identity.
The shift from dispersed to more nucleated settlement in the Cibola
region has been characterized as necessitating fundamental changes
in social organization (Figure
2; Huntley and Kintigh 2004; Kintigh 1994). In order to explore
this process at a regional scale, I have gathered data on site location,
size, and layout for all sites of over 50 rooms and all smaller
sites from full coverage survey throughout the region. This database
contains over 1,500 dated sites from over 350,000 acres of survey.
I have placed these sites into temporal categories of roughly 50
year intervals based on the proportions of well dated decorated
ceramics (Figure 3;
Kintigh et al. 2004). These data allow me to track changes in community
organization through time across the study area. |
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| (2)
Relational identities are forged out of networks of interaction. One
tool that has frequently been used to characterize interaction is ceramic
compositional analysis. For this study, I am using Instrumental Neutron
Activation Analysis to characterize 600 ceramic sherds, including both
decorated and undecorated wares from 22 sites from across the Cibola
region (see Figure 1).
These data will be combined with the nearly 1,500 existing samples from
previous studies in the region (Duff 1999:Appendix B; Huntley 2004:Table
5.1; Mills 1995; Schachner 2007:Table 4.1). Following recent ceramic
compositional studies in the U.S. Southwest (see Glowacki 2006) I will
interpret the presence of ceramics from a particular source as evidence
of direct interaction in the form of exchange, population circulation,
or migration between a settlement and other settlements within the probable
production area. The relative degree and directionality of ceramic circulation
among settlements will be used as measures of interaction. In addition to this, several recent studies have suggested that attributes of material culture that are invisible in the final product, or that are located in contexts of low visibility, often vary in relation to the degree of direct interaction among individual producers (Carr 1995; Clark 2001; Gosselain 2000; Lyons 2003; Stark et al. 1998). Examples include ceramic forming methods, which are not visible once the vessel is fired or interior domestic architecture. Strong patterns of similarity in low visibility technological styles provide important indicators of shared social practices. These traits can be seen as a measure of frequent interaction and strong relational connections among producers. I am conducting a detailed technological comparison of the utilitarian ceramic assemblages from 49 excavated settlements in the Cibola region, measuring 21 low visibility technological attributes on approximately 100 randomly selected ceramic cooking jar sherds from each site (Table 1). These data will be quantitatively assessed using a combination of Gower coefficients, principal coordinates analysis, and k-means cluster analysis in order to identify groups of producers operating under common technological frameworks (see Peeples 2010). This classification procedure is similar to methods used for identifying clusters among hybridized biological species (Dibble et al. 1998; Hawkins et al. 1999). Combined with the INAA study, these data will allow me to consider networks of relational identification at multiple scales. |
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| Table
1. Variables
and potential variable states recorded for samples included in this
study. The 12 attributes highlighted in blue are the only variables
included in the quantitative analysis described here.
(click to see full size). |
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| (3)
Categorical identities do not depend on direct connections among individuals.
Thus, such identities require symbolization to facilitate recognition
among members and non-members of groups (Calhoun 1994). It is extremely
difficult to define attributes of material culture directed at active
expression of identity (Hegmon 1992). The profiles of change in stylistic
attributes across space and through time, however, can sometimes serve
to identify likely loci of active expression. My analysis will consider
highly visible ceramic designs and public architecture. In the Cibola region, bold designs on the exteriors of large serving bowls have been suggested as one such signal of identity (Mills 2007a, 2007b). Previous studies have shown that the sizes and boldness of these designs vary in relation to the sizes of the settlements and plazas through time (Mills 2007a). The bowls are frequently found in contexts associated with other evidence of communal feasting events (Mills 1999; Potter 2000; Spielmann 1998). Furthermore, certain communities appear to have produced concentrations of certain iconic designs and color combinations on bowl exteriors (Huntley 2008), designs that were important means of signaling visual information. I will compare bowl exterior designs with hierarchical methods of stylistic analysis (Clark 2006; Hegmon 1995; Plog 1980) using published photographs and whole vessel collections from 39 sites throughout the region (see Figure 4). Style data will be used to assess the scales at which certain stylistic conventions or iconic designs were shared, providing a measure of categorical connections. Additionally, I will compare the forms of public architectural spaces—common contexts for public rituals—across the region. Settlements with similar public architectural spaces likely engaged in similar public ritual expressions (e.g., Adams 1991; Adler and Wilshusen 1990). The public nature of these spaces further suggests that such features provide contexts for active expressions of social identity among communities. |
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Figure
4. Examples of commonly reoccurring motifs found on White
Mountain Redware and Zuni Glazeware bowl exteriors from sites across
the Cibola region. (click image to see full size). |
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Significance |
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| This research will result in the use of well-developed body of theory new to archaeology, as well as new insights into how to address regional-scale social processes. The use of this theoretical perspective also has the potential to forge new connections between archaeologists and social scientists exploring similar issues. The large, well-documented regional database will permit an examination of social change at scales that are seldom directly considered by archaeologists or ethnographers. As synthetic treatments of regional-scale social processes become more common (e.g., Asouti 2006; Hegmon et al. 2008; Parkinson 2006; Pauketat 2003; Wells 2005), studies explicitly focused on identifying useful material correlates and developing analytical tools for tracking changes in the relationships among identity, organizational change, and material culture will be increasingly important. Archaeological studies such as the one proposed here are uniquely suited to this objective because ethnological studies cannot typically take place at such scales and are limited in their temporal coverage (Veit 1989). Lastly, this research addresses questions directly relevant for assessments of cultural affiliation as mandated by NAGPRA. Specifically, this research will provide an alternative means for defining affiliation that does not rely on traditional archaeological culture areas. This alternative has the potential to help in reintegrating Native American perspectives into archaeological assessments of affiliation by specifically addressing variation rather than masking it (see Dongoske et al. 1997). | ||||
References Cited |
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