July 19, 1999, FINAL

 SECTION: Editorial / Op-ed; B3

 LENGTH: 984 words

 HEADLINE: UN sanctions hurt Iraqi children

 BYLINE: Samaa Elibyari

 BODY:
 Last month I was in Baghdad for an international conference on the political, legal and humanitarian aspects of the
 UN-U.S. sanctions on Iraq.

 Invariably, I get a quizzical stare when I mention this. ''Why are you interested in Iraq?'' is an all-too-common reaction
 with the unspoken sequel, ''Do you support Saddam Hussein?''

 I find the question strange because there are 23 million people in Iraq besides Saddam, and UN sanctions are taking a
 horrible toll. According to UNICEF reports, 5,000 children die every month for lack of proper sanitation and medicine.

 Flights are banned in and out of Iraq, except for UN personnel. In what way does this air embargo help peace and
 security? Until recently, practically the only way to Baghdad was by bus from Amman, Jordan, a journey of roughly 1,000
 km in the desert. There are no rest spots on the way and only primitive facilities at the border. Another road is now open
 from Damascus to Baghdad.

 I start the journey from Amman at night, preferring to avoid baking in the sun. On the opposite side of the road, a steady
 stream of oil-loaded tankers head to Jordan. In return, Jordan sends truckloads of sheep to Iraq. Our driver remarks that
 many Iraqi taxis also ferry oil. The cars are equipped with large tanks with a capacity of 400 to 600 litres. Isn't it
 dangerous, asks one passenger? ''Of course, we call them time bombs.'' This trickle escapes the quotas imposed on Iraqi
 oil.

 About 400 km from Amman, we reach the Iraqi border. There is another round of car inspections while we wait in a large
 reception hall. A mural of Saddam Hussein looms above weary travellers. Incongruously, the hall is decorated with
 coloured paper garlands, the kind used at birthday parties.

 I go outdoors to escape the cigarette smoke. Not far away is a gas station, with a cardboard sign that reads ''20 dinars
 per litre.'' Beside the pumps is a shabby food stand with some bananasdangling from a string. I ask how much for a kilo.
 ''Three thousand five hundred dinars'' is the reply. (One dollar U.S. is worth approximately 2,000 dinars).

 This is enough for me to gauge the devastation of the economy. Gasoline, produced in Iraq, is pennies per litre while food,
 mostly imported, is sky-high.

 Economic sanctions should not be the means to enforce arms control. Iraq used to enjoy a decent standard of living,
 comparable to Greece, before the sanctions. Now, the estimated yearly income per capita is about $60 U.S., putting Iraq
 on a par with the poorest African countries.

 This is all the more tragic because Iraq possesses the second-largest oil reserves after Saudi Arabia. Yet because of the
 sanctions Iraq cannot sell its oil freely on the open market. Under the Food for Oil agreement governing exports, 30 per
 cent of the revenue reverts to the UN for administration and another 30 per cent is deducted for war compensation. Even
 then, all imports must be approved by a UN committee that rejects any ''suspicious'' substance. For instance, Iraq cannot
 purchase pencils because graphite could be extracted to coat airplanes, making them invisible to radar. Chlorine is
 restricted because it could be used for chemical weapons. By the same reasoning most medical drugs are prohibited. As a
 result, Iraqi children die from lack of simple antibiotics.

 On my way to the capital, the smooth highways are a big surprise. I marvel at older buildings of the finest Islamic
 architectural design and mosques with intricate ceramic domes. Damage to bridges during the Gulf War has been repaired.
 Very noticeable, however, is the absence of recent construction.

 My destination stands in stark contrast to the impoverished lives of the average Iraqi. The Mansour Melia Hotel towers
 over the Tigris River, surrounded by lush gardens and a gushing fountain at the entrance.

 Inside, conference participants are invited to a fashion show featuring garments from the early Sumerian period until
 modern times - five thousand years of civilization captured in costumes for both men and women. The show ends with a
 wish for a happy birthday and long life for Saddam Hussein, just one of many celebrations of his 62nd birthday.

 The next day the conference begins under a large banner that reads ''The aggression and embargo on Iraq are an Arab
 and international issue.''

 A portrait of a smiling Saddam greets participants; flowers adorn the podium. The lighting is bright, the ventilation cool and
 breezy, far removed from the reality of a country where electricity is rationed to three hours each day in urban centres.
 Although Iraqis repaired power plants after the war, they can't purchase new parts for maintenance.

 Excitement fills the room on the first day. Under the glare of television lights, VIPs (the Russian ambassador, foreign
 diplomats and high- ranking Iraqis) fill the two front rows of comfortable armchairs. Foreign Affairs Minister Tarik Aziz is
 surrounded by bodyguards. The Iraqi national anthem is played, followed by a recitation from the Koran.

 Aziz tells the audience that the U.S. has used the UN to impose sanctions on a number of countries, including Iraq. Iraq
 has complied with the UN conditions, but the U.S refuses to lift sanctions on Iraq. The audience applauds enthusiastically
 when Aziz asks friends of Iraq to counter the U.S. influence. The mood is definitely anti-American and anti-British.

 Participation in this conference, sponsored by the Arab Baath Socialist Party of Iraq, was by invitation. The only Canadian
 present, to my astonishment I learn that our embassy in Baghdad is closed.

 This is a critical time for Iraq and indeed for Canada. We now occupy a seat on the UN Security Council and can act as a
 mediator of conflicts and a leader for peace. Canada should call for the immediate lifting of sanctions on Iraq and initiate
 negotiations to end hostilities in the Gulf region.